Certainty in functional uncertainty
"功能待定理论"中的确定性
Chu-Ren Huang 黄居仁

Abstract 摘要
This paper offers a non-movement account of Mandarin Chinese Unbounded Dependencies, including topicalization and relativization. The theory of Functional Uncertainty (Zaenen and Kaplan 1989) in Lexical-functional Grammar is adopted. It is shown that various predictions of movements accounts, such as island constraints, are not borne out in Mandarin. In contrast, the seemingly problematic contrasts between Mandarin and languages observing island constraint can be straight-forwardly accounted for with our functional uncertainty analysis. We also observe that dependencies involving Mandarin object controllers are not allowed, contrary to the prediction of multiple path resolutions in the theory of functional uncertainty. We argue that this is due to a language specific parameter requiring that a dependency ends in a unique function. Formal revisions of theoretical definitions are proposed to account for this parameter as well to reconcile the potential conflict between the functional uniqueness condition and the theory of functional uncertainty.

本文就汉语主题句及关系子句提出不涉移位的分析，这个分析所采用的理论基础是Zaenen and Kaplan (1989)在词汇功能语法(LFG)下提出的＂功能待定理论＂(Functional Uncertainty)。文中首先指出移位分析往往无法正确分析汉语语料，例如＂孤岛限制＂在汉语中有不少难预测的例外。本文的分析不但正确预测这些语料，并为不同语言间的变异提供了可行的描述。
本文并且观察到汉语的一个特异结构，即递系句的宾语一定要在标准(Canonical)位置出现，在＂功能待定理论＂下，本文提出对＂功能独性＂(Functional Uniqueness)这个基本定义之修正，解决＂功能待定＂及＂功能独特＂在形式规范上之可能冲突，并藉以解释汉语及其他语言之对比。

<< Back 返回

Readers 读者