Chinese adjuncts and phrase structure theory
中文状语与短语结构理论
Thomas Ernst

Abstract 摘要
This paper presents evidence for the standard view in phrase structure theory that lexical projections like VP have two levels (V' and V"), and against the proposal (e.g. in Fukui and Speas 1986) that there is only one level (V'). Evidence is presented from both Taiwan Mandarin and Beijing-area Mandarin. The crucial data from the former show a pattern in which time expressions such as mingtian 'tomorrow' must precede manner expressions and most PP's, with other adverbials distributed freely among them. It is argued that the best way to capture these facts involves referring to V" as the level where time adverbials are licensed, and V' as the only level where manner adverbials and these "internal" PP's may be licensed. In Beijing-area Mandarin, the pattern is the same except that while some "internal" PP's are restricted to V', those headed by cong, dao, dui, and gen occur freely. It is shown that the distinction between the two groups of PP's cannot be captured by differentiating theta-role assignment, subcategorization, or other mechanisms; therefore, it again becomes necessary to refer to the two levels V" and V', so as to correctly account for the distribution of the two groups of PP's.

本文提出证据，以支持标准的短语结构理论，即词汇的投射（projection, 如VP）有两个层次（V' 和V''）。这和只存在一个层次（V'）的说法（如 Fukui 和 Speas 1986）是不相容的。这些例证取自台湾汉语和北京地区的汉语。前者提供的确实材料显示出如下规律：‘明天’这样的时间短语必须位于方式（manner）短语和大多数介词短语之前，而其它状语则自由出现。作者认为解释这些现象的最佳途径是把时间短语看作是由V''层所统领（license），而方式短语和“居中”（internal）的介词短语则由V'层所统领。北京地区的汉语显示出相同的模式。相异之处在于有些“居中”的介词短语限于V'，而“从”、“到”、“对”、“跟”短语则可以自由出现。用θ角色的分配，次分类（subcategorization）或其它语法机制都无法解释这两种介词短语的区别。只有通过两个不同层次 V'' 和 V', 方能正确解释这两种介词短语的分配。

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