An optimality-theoretic analysis of syllable contraction in Cantonese
从优选理论看广东话的音节缩减
Hui-chuan Hsu 许慧娟

Abstract 摘要
As a departure from Cheung’s (1986) rule-based study on syllable contraction in Cantonese, the present analysis employs the notion of constraint interaction in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) to solve the critical issue concerning the prediction of the output nucleus. Distinct from the sonority-oriented dialects such as Taiwanese Southern Min, Hakka, and Taiwan Mandarin, Cantonese is characterized by the determination of output nucleus by vowel length. In Optimality Theory, language variation appeals to different ranking of a set of universal constraints. This paper also illustrates that as a product of fast speech, syllable contraction may not follow language-specific phonotactic constraints.

本文探讨广东话的音节缩减，先是说明张(1986)的分析不能合理解释韵核的合并，继而藉由优选理论制约互动的观念成功地诠释相关语料。广东话和其它汉语方言，诸如台闽语、客语及台湾国语，在音节缩减一致的地方是：声母来自前一音节的声母；辅音韵尾来自后一音节的辅音韵尾。而广东话和台闽语、客语及台湾国语的差异表现在韵核的合并。前者倚重元音长短，后三个方言则藉由响度大小决定韵核。根据优选理论，语言差异导因于一套普遍制约的不同排比。亦即韵核合并的所有制约都见于这四个汉语方言，其间的差别是元音长短的相关制约在广东话排序高，有关响度的制约排序则低到可以被忽略；台闽语、客语及台湾国语的情形正好相反。此外，本文显示音节缩减并不完全遵守共存限制。

Subject Keywords 关键词

Syllable contraction 音节缩减 Optimality theory 优选理论 Phonotactic constraint语音配置限制

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