A diachronic perspective on causative variants and related passives in Southern Min — Interface between lexical properties and construction
闽南语使动与被动之歷时演变—词汇意涵与结构的介面
I-hsuan Chen, Chinfa Lien 陈怡璇, 连金发

Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to tease out the paths of grammaticalization of Southern Min causative verbs, chhoa7拽, kah4 甲, sai2 使, kio3 叫, khit4 乞and thoo3 度. Their semantic extensions affect the interpretation of the pivotal construction which they all share. These causative verbs, at a light verb position, link two events which have leeway for reinterpretations. 拽, 甲, 使, and 叫 go from dynamic causative to stative causative. 乞 and 度 are interpreted differently in different constructional types. As verbs of giving, they develop ditransitive construction, then permissive causative and finally passive. The lexical properties of these verbs endow the causative construction with new meanings.

明清时代闽南语戏文富含使役与致使动词，如：「chhoa7 拽、kah4 甲、sai2 使、kio3 叫、khit4 乞和thoo 3 度」。虽有類似的语法功能，且都出现于兼语式中，但每个动词的语法化途径不同，虚化程度不一，皆与其原本的语意紧密相关。藉由早期与现代闽南语的比较，可发现这些动词的语意扩张将会影响兼语结构的解释，主要归纳为两条路线。其一为从动态使役到静态致使，如「拽、甲、使、叫」的语意泛化造成命令意涵减低，主语可为不带有情性(animate)的事件。其二则为由双宾动词转入被动用法，如给予动词「乞、度」。「乞、度」在兼语结构已发展出容让使役用法，若主语含有非出自意愿允让之意，易有容让与被动的模糊解释地带，进而推衍出被动用法。本文进一步比较闽南语和官话致使动词在语法化歷程上所反映的不同步现象，闽南语动态使役极少发展成成熟的静态致使，但官话却极为普遍。此外，官话的动态使役动词可转为被动用法，但闽南语的被动却來自双宾动词。此六个使役与致使动词皆作为兩个事件的连接点，因此语意扩张时, 两个事件的关系易于重新诠释为兼语构式。

Keywords 关键词

Dynamic causative 使役动词　Stative causative 致使动词　Permissive causative 容让使役　Passive 被动 Grammaticalization 语法化　Southern Min 闽南语

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