Hoo, Hoo, Hoo: Syntax of the Causative, Dative, and Passive Constructions in Taiwanese
"與", "與", "與": 台湾语言使役,与格及被动结构的句法
Lisa L.-S. Cheng 郑礼珊, C.-T. James Huang 黄正德; Y.-H. Audrey Li 李艳慧; C.-C. Jane Tang 汤志真

Abstract 摘要
The morpheme hoo in Taiwanese has been commonly observed to occur in a number of constructions: the causative, the passive, and the so-called double-object, dative and serial-verb constructions. We offer a formal unifying analysis of the argument structure of hoo that ties these constructions together in a way that explains their clustering, to the exclusion of other constructions. We show that the double-object construction is a special instance of the canonical causative. The serial verb hoo is a causative embedded as a secondary predicate, and the so-called dative is a special case of such a secondary predicate. Finally, the passive is an ergativized version of the canonical causative, formed not by dethematizing the subject, but by turning its event complement into a secondary predicate. Following in part Feng (1995), Chiu (1995) and Chomsky (1980), we assume that the secondary predicates (in passives, datives, and the serial-verb structures) are syntactically created by Null Operator movement. We provide extensive arguments in support of this hypothesis and note some implications for the theory of argument structure.

台湾话动词 “与” hoo 的适用范围很广,包括致动、被动、双宾、与格和连动等句式。本文以一贯性的方式分析“与”字在这些句式里的参项结构,从而解释为何这些句式都能因使用“与” 字而“物以类聚” 。依作者之见,双宾句式其实是致动句式的一种特例,含“与”字的连谓结构则是一般的致动式包孕于母句之下充作次要谓语,而与格句式则又是连谓结构的一种特例。至于被动结构,我们认为它们来自致动句式的作格化。不过这种作格化和一般致动式的作格化不同。一般的作格化删除了致动动词的外向论元,但台湾话被动式则是将致动动词的内项化为次要谓语的结果。本文沿用feng (1995), Chiu (1995), Chomsky (1980) 等的分析,以“空运符移位” 来形成以上各类次要谓语,并提出相关证据来支持这种分析。最后我们指出这种分析对一般参项结构研究方面的理论意义。

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