A Political Culture Unique to Hong Kong

Turbulent Political Environment in the Late Transitional Period

As British colonial rule in Hong Kong gradually draws to an end, the colonial government finds itself in a political environment that is unprecedentedly turbulent. The impending resumption of Chinese sovereignty over the territory and the increasing involvement of China in Hong Kong's affairs have virtually reduced its status to that of a caretaker government. Democratic reforms introduced on its own initiative, however limited in scope, have nonetheless ended its monopoly on political power and led to the mushrooming of local political forces who take advantage of the opened floodgates to present incessant political challenges to the departing regime. Political anxieties and fears engendered by uncertainties associated with 1997 have raised political consciousness and spurred political demands on the government, whose capabilities have, however, been sapped by a jittery civil service.

How have these political changes tranformed the attitude of Hong Kong people towards democracy and the colonial regime, and what is their idea of good government? To explore these issues, Prof. Lau Siu-kai of the Department of Sociology and Prof. Kuan Hsin-chi of the Department of Government and Public Administration embarked on a research project entitled 'Political Culture and Political Participation of the Hong Kong Chinese', with Prof. M.K. Lee and Prof. S.W. Leung from the Department of Applied Science at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (HKPU) as their co-researchers. Split into two groups, the four researchers drew up two sets of questionnaires. The researchers from The Chinese University examined attitudes towards democracy and political authorities while the HKPU researchers looked into political participation and behaviours such as voting and demonstrating. The project was awarded HK$300,000 by the Research Grants Council in 1991.

Conservative Political Sentiments

The CUHK study was based primarily on data obtained from a questionnaire survey of 868 Hong Kong Chinese residents aged 18 or over. The results indicate that political sentiments in Hong Kong tend to be conservative.

Nostalgic about Colonial Status

The majority of the respondents were still basically in favour of and nostalgic about the colonial status of the territory. Democratic reforms in the last decade apparently have not made a dent in the public support for the authoritarian yet benign ruler, with over 70 per cent of the respondents supporting the local civil service. While other surveys conducted by Prof. Lau between 1985 and 1991 show that the credibility of the Hong Kong government was gradually dropping, the same government nevertheless enjoyed a decent level of public acceptance. It has been generally perceived as fair, and for it there is even a streak of affection.

Mild Democratic Aspirations

Complacency with the existing political system does not mean that Hong Kong people lack the desire for institutional changes. About 60 per cent of the respondents were of the opinion that further steps should be taken to democratize Hong Kong's political system. These respondents were usually younger, better educated, and wealthier. Yet, it should also be noted that these same people are not necessarily interested in political participation: only 40 per cent of them had voted in the 1991 elections to the Legislative Council.

A plurality of respondents tended to define democratic government as a government that consults public opinion rather than one that is popularly elected. Accordingly, democratic reform as envisaged by many people is basically the improvement of the existing system rather than a drastic departure from it.

Traditionalistic Concept of Good Government

Hong Kong people's concept of good government is also quite traditionalistic, as the survey results reveal. They tend to regard as ideal a paternalistically authoritarian government, one that will intervene in social and economic affairs on their behalf.

Amidst the shadows of traditionalism, transformations in political values can be detected. There is an obvious desire for a greater say in public affairs. Most respondents were unwilling to see a government with paramount and unchallenged authority. They were also skeptical of the colonial government's sincerity and competence in safeguarding the territory's interests that of the British and Chinese governments. These transformations show that expectations of government functions have been changing as 1997 approaches. The government's performance is increasingly judged by its response to public demand for greater political say.

Origins of Conservatism

The legitimacy enjoyed by the colonial regime sets Hong Kong fundamentally apart from other colonies. The idea of democracy has only shallow roots in the minds of Hong Kong Chinese. What are the underlying reasons?

Utilitarianism Prevails

One reason may be that in Hong Kong the colonizers established themselves before the arrival of the colonized, which greatly reduced the latter's propensity for anti-colonial sentiments.

And although Hong Kong people are deprived of political power, they are amply compensated for through the unfettered freedom to make money under a generally fair legal system. The government's efforts at promoting economic development are also appreciated by the public. There is therefore sufficient coincidence of interests between the colonial regime and its subjects to ensure that the colonial status of Hong Kong is not threatened from within.

Anti-colonial sentiments quite often spring from a sense of shame shared by the colonized. But after the communist takeover of China, whatever sense of shame that might have existed in the territory has been alleviated by public antipathy towards communist rule, and utilitarian calculations.

Where Chinese and Western Values Meet

Another reason may be cultural. Judging from the respondents' interpretation of a good government, their concept of democracy is not quite the same as that in the West.

What they aspire after may not be universal suffrage but a benign government with some non-democratic features. The political roles they are prepared to play may include monitoring the government, accepting its authority and respecting its executive power, but not assuming political responsibility.

But concurrent with such conservatism is their trust in the political institutions in Hong Kong. The rule of law is generally held to be far more important than capable leaders, a point which shows that colonial rule has indeed made its impact on the local political culture. It also reflects the unique amalgamation of traditional Chinese political values with Western political values.

Legacies of Colonialism

What effects will colonial legitimacy have on the successor regime in Hong Kong? Prof. Lau believes that the SAR government will be faced with the problem of constructing legitimacy for itself. Since the termination of colonial rule has not been brought about by public demand, the new government cannot base its legitimacy on anti-colonialism. The problem cannot be ameliorated even by the emergence of respected local leaders in the SAR government. The successor regime will quite possibly be seen as less legitimate than the colonial regime in the immediate years that follow 1997. And this is yet another distinguishing feature of Hong Kong's decolonization.

On the other hand, since the legitimacy of the colonial regime is narrowly based on the utilitarian calculations of the colonial subjects, the new regime should not find it too difficult to establish its own legitimacy by maintaining a sound economy after the transfer of sovereignty and by providing an efficient and benign administration.

SAR Government to Benefit from Continued Research

Prof. Lau often quotes the survey results when he is asked to comment on current affairs and local political issues. And when performing his duties as a member of the Hong Kong SAR Preparatory Committee and as convener of the task force for designing the election procedures for the SAR's first Legislative Council, he again draws heavily on his research findings. He points out that the design of new political institutions must accord with the attitudes and political values of the Hong Kong people and their readiness to participate. A haphazard speeding up of democratization can ruin the very things they value.

Having studied Hong Kong's political culture since the mid-70s, Prof. Lau observes, 'Research experience and research results lead on to fresh topics worth exploring. At the same time, new phenomena and new issues created by the drastic changes in Hong Kong warrant our close attention. Research therefore is never-ending.' In collaboration with local and American scholars Prof. Lau embarked on a research project entitled 'Decline of Authority, Social Conflict and Social Reintegration in Hong Kong: Patterns of Social Change in the Last Years of British Rule' in 1994, the results of which will soon be released. In the summer of 1996, he began another study on Hong Kong people's attitudes towards the Chinese and the British governments on the eve of the handover. He and Prof. Kuan Hsin-chi have also applied for funding from the Research Grants Council to study the 1998 Legislative Council elections. For him, indeed, research is never-ending.

Prof. Lau Siu-kai graduated with a B.Soc.Sc. degree from the University of Hong Kong in 1971. After obtaining his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1975, he joined The Chinese University as lecturer in sociology. He was appointed as professor of sociology in October 1990.
Prof. Lau specializes in studies on Hong Kong and has published extensively on the subject. He is currently associate director of the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies.
Prof. Kuan Hsin-chi graduated with an LLB from National Chengchi University, Taiwan, in 1963 and pursued postgraduate studies in Germany. He obtained his MA from Free University of Berlin in 1967 and his Ph.D. from the University of Munich in 1972. He then joined The Chinese University as lecturer in government and public administration in 1973 and was promoted to senior lecturer in 1981, reader in 1987, and professor of government and public administration in 1991. He is currently director of the Universities Services Centre.